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Vide L. XL. The ceremony of " Capping " for the boy and " Pinning " for the girl (IV., 8 : 2) marked the arrival of the young people at the marriageable age, this age being fixed in time as twenty for the boy and fifteen for the girl; but there is sufficient evidence available to justify us in regarding these as the inferior limits, just as the supposed statutory age of thirty was the superior limit for the marriage of a man (vide Introduction to Section II.). Marriage presumed a previous capping, and there are cases on record which point to twelve years as the earliest age at which a boy was " capped " if important reasons called for it. In Section IX., g. para. 5, it is noted that the Marquis of Chin said that Duke Hsiang of Lu might be capped, as he had reached the age of twelve. See also C.Y., chap. 33 ; H. V., 6. 16. This last example shows King Ch'eng wearing the 弁, state cap. This indicates that he had been capped before his fifteenth year, to which the record refers. Thus the assumption of the cap, as in Rome the assumption of the toga virilis, seems to have marked at first the arrival of puberty. This would also apply to the " pinning," 


in both cases it would seem that as time went on the age was advanced until the graduands were ready for marriage. 

Chapter I 

1 The 士, the fourth grade of government official; the others being in order — 公, Ducal Minister ; 卿, Minister ; and 大夫, Great Officer. 

2 Divining was engaged in in two forms. In 筮 the stalks 莢 were used, and in 卜 the tortoise-shell 龜. The stalks were struck in order to cause them to fall out of their case (韇), in which they were held by the diviner (筮人). The lines 爻, complete ——, and divided — —, which they indicated, were collected in two trines, which together made up a diagram (卦). This was first drawn on the ground and then transferred to a board by the recorder (卦者) of the divination, and after having been taken to the Master of Ceremonies by the diviner and looked at by him, was then examined carefully (占) by the diviner's three assistants in turn, and the augury declared by them as propitious (吉) or otherwise. 

In divining by the other method the shell was heated over a flame, and the diagram recorded and the result declared as above. 

In all the cases noted in this work the subject to be divined upon was decided by the Master of Ceremonies, and communicated to the diviner, who again communicated it to the divining instrument, as the vehicle of a spirit (XXXVII., note 4), asking whether the action proposed, or the day selected, was propitious or not. 

3 All the important acts of a man's life were announced to, or enacted in, the presence of the 


ancestral spirits. After death his body was taken to the temple in which were the ancestral spirits, before being taken away to the grave (XXIX., 4). 

4 See Plan of House in Vol. II. 

5 The door consisted of two leaves (闔扇). Where these met in the centre of the doorway was a low post (闑). This was removed in order to allow of the exit of a funeral procession. Vide XXX., note 5. 

6 坐. As in Japan to-day, this was a kneeling posture. The sitter bent his knees and went forward on them until they touched the ground, and then sat back on his heels (V., g. e). 

7 That is, in the next decade of days (XXXVII., note i). 

8 His functions are described in para. 8 et seq. 

9 洗 Whenever wine was used, this jar was set to receive the water with which the cups and the hands of the participants in the ceremony were washed. Water was dipped from a jar at one side, and the cups held in a cup-basket (篋) at the side opposite. 

10 A military dress worn when in attendance on the Emperor at the sacrifices. The cap was of the colour of a sparrow's head (爵). It was like a college trencher with a board of wood 16 inches long and 8 inches broad. This was covered with cloth, black on top to represent heaven, and red beneath to represent earth. To the front and back edges were attached strings of beads differing in number with the grade of the wearer (see plate, p. 16). 

11 A court dress worn on high ceremonial occasions. 

12 The ordinary dress clothes worn when going to court. "Full dress" would mean the robes worn at a sacrifice. 

13 This string (紘) was tied to one end of the hat- 262 

pin, brought round under the chin, and then made fast to the other end of the pin. The end of the string was allowed to hang down as an ornament. 

14 In this case the two strings were knotted together under the chin. 

15 See Plan of House. 

16 The clothes of his youth. 

17 That is, when they turn to the right after entering the door, and again when abreast the temple door nside the second gate. 

18 Once when on entering the door they turn, the host to the right and the guest to the left ; once when they are one-third way up the court ; and once again when they are two-thirds of the way up, and abreast the 碑 sundial (see Plan of House in Vol. II). 

Chapter II 

1 That is, new wine not yet cleared. Vide note on wines, L. IX., iii. 27. 

2 The commentators say this is offered to the inventors of this particular kind of food ; but see Excursus on Sacrifice. 

3 字. The Style took the place of the name given by the father and mother. A girl received her Style at her " pinning " (IV., 8 : 2). 

4 玄酒. This was fresh water, called in C.L. 明水. Vide L. IX., 3. 22. It was also spoken of as [氵兌]水. It was used to dilute the wine (IV., 8. 7). The commentators speak of it as the " wine of the ancients," and say that its presence at a feast was a link between the primitive simpHcity of the days before wine had been invented and the more ambitious later time. Its purpose seems to have been more practical by making 


possible the potations which accompanied every festal observance. Only the hard heads at the targets at the archery meeting needed no Dark Wine. 

5 乾肉 This consisted of joints of game dried in the sun. 脯 was sliced meat treated in the same way (CL. I., 15). 腊 was the flesh of wild beasts dried, and 腒 the dried flesh of wild fowl. 

6 肺. The lungs of the animal were divided into the two lobes. One of these, to be raised (舉) and then tasted (口齊), was cut lengthwise (離); the other was sliced across (切), so that when being offered the end could be removed for the purpose. This was called the 祭肺, and the other the 離肺 

7 Whether remarried after her husband's death, divorced, sick, or dead. 

8 They belong to the mourning dress. 

9 That is, before the 唐虞 T'ang - Yu period 2256-5 B.C. 

10 These words of Confucius are recorded in the Chia-yu, chap. 33. The quotation in L. X|., ii. i, speaks of the disuse of the cap as a whole (inde also L. IX., iii. I). ' 

11 Because the Style takes the place, on the lips of outsiders, of the name his parents gave him, and leaves the latter for the parents' own use. 

12 These are all names for the 玄冠, "dark hat" (L. IX., iii. 3). 

13 A transliteration of the ancient name, untranslatable. 

14 The underlying idea is that the 士 is elemental in the State economy, and that all other offices are elaborations of that. 




Vide L. XLI. In very ancient times the relations between the sexes are said to have been as promiscuous in China as are the relations between the animals described in the present work (XXIII., 2. v). Indeed, read in its connection, it is not impossible that the passage quoted refers, under the guise of a figure, to the customs prevailing even then among the savage tribes on the borders of the then Chinese State. Thereafter the marriage system was established by the successors of Fu-hsi (H. Prel., p. 75). Other writers push the establishment of this order further back. The legendary period was one of organization, when the ablest minds in the community claimed the homage of the people, and applied themselves to the banishment of savagery and the consolidation of the State b}'- the methods of " differentiation and combination." The Emperor Yao (2356 b.c.) is said to have helped forward the consummation by instituting a fixed tribal system, dividing the upper classes of the people according to their surnames (姓). This was in effect a recognition of the tribes by the State. As the State became more civilized it would be impossible to preserve the territorial integrity of the tribe. Commerce and agriculture would disintegrate the larger units ; and so a subdivision under the 氏, or name of the gens or clans, followed. This 氏, at first the particular designation of a single ancestor, derived from a totem, or local habitation, or bodily peculiarity, in time took the place of the 姓, and was actually called the 姓. Up to the end of the Hsiang dynasty (1123 b.c) 


no restriction was placed upon the marriage of people of the same surname, but beginning with the Chou dynasty (1122 b.c.) they were forbidden on the eugenic ground that the offspring of such unions were bound to be unhealthy and short-lived 若取同姓則生疾而性命不得久長.

As to the age for marriage, the Chia-yu makes it clear that a man should not pass the age of thirty, or a girl that of twenty, without being married. This is called the " limit," g (C.Y., 26. Cf. L. I., 65. 7), and as a matter of fact Confucius is said to have had his first son born to him after he was eighteen years old. If they exceeded the ages prescribed as the limit, the 媒氏, or Matrimonial Agent of the Chou-li II. 27, took them in hand. 

With regard to the present section, the curious inversion noted in III., 12, c, d, and g, where the bride and bridegroom change places for the time, and each is waited on by the other's attendant, is an interesting sociological fact, perhaps allied to the couvade at a different period in the sex relationship. This interchange is extended even to the parents-in-law (IV., 3, g).

Chapter III 

1 The mat for the spirit had the body-rest on its right end, while that for a living man had it on the left. 

2 As being only a deputy, and not entitled to accept the courtesy for himself. 

3 鄭康成 of the Han dynasty is satisfied with this interpretation, but the Ch'ien-lung editors prefer to amend the text, and say that the 屐, that is, the second beam, is meant. 


4 Reading 受 for 授. 

5 Vide IV., 8. 3. 

6 Vide IV., 8. 4. 

7 The spoon was needed to ladle out the thick must (II., note i.). 

8 The name of the girl has been divined upon in the ancestral temple. The communication of the result ratifies the agreement. 

9 Vide IV., 8. 5. The 束, or bundle of silks, consisted of ten pieces in five pairs, each piece being 10 feet long and 22 inches broad. 

10 The vessels in common use on such occasions were : the 俎 , or meat-stands ; 豆 , wooden holders for wet relishes; 籩 holders of bamboo-splint for dry-relishes ; 敦 jars with covers for holding the grains ; and 鉶, or tureens, for the soups. 

11 The 大羹湆, or Grand Soup, was a primitive survival, and consisted of the juice of the meat boiled without any flavouring or vegetables being added. Like the Dark Wine (II., note 4), it was supposed to maintain the connection of the later and more sumptuous tia|ps with the age of primitive simplicity. 

12 Vide II., note 4. 

13 Vide IV., 8. 6. 

14 Vide IV., 8. 7. 

15 In the south-west corner of the room (vide III., 13. i). It is open to argument that the 奧 was originally a storehouse for grain added to the room on its west side, and lighted by the window 牅. When the western chamber was needed for other uses, and the grain provided for elsewhere, the 奧 would be transferred to the room, and with it the window. There is a remarkable absence of reference 


throughout the work, with one exception, to the western chamber. The 奧 was in the cosiest corner o the room, away from the door, and near the window. 

16 The paucity of details suggests that this chapter occupied a later place in the original work. Possibly the sections on Capping, Marriage, and Funeral Rites came together. 

17 The grains in use were 黍 (glutinous millet), 稷 (panciled millet), 梁 (spiked millet), and 稻 (rice). 

18 That is the lungs and spine. 

19 酳 This cup served both as a mouthwash and a digestif. 

20. See introduction to the section for this inversion. The commentary bases the practice on a desire to make prominent the ruling part taken by the female element at this time. 

21 良 add 人. "good-man." Also see M. IV., b, 33. I. 

22 The tassel was assumed as a sign of her engagement. Vide L. I., i. 3. 34. 

Chapter IV 

1 This was the correct offering for a woman to make. For a violation of this convention, held up to blamie, vide S. III., 24, note on para. 6. 

2 This is the door to the parents' private apartments. 

3 Vide inf., 8. 8. 

4 She is so inferior to her parent that she does not dare hand the present to him. 

5 The first act of a lifetime spent in the nourishing of her new parents. 

6 The right side for the father and the left for the mother. 


7 That is, with no accompaniment of roast Hve (III., II. h). 

8 Vide III., 12. g. 

9 The different entertainments were — 

食. The Dinner, without pledging. 
饗. The Feast, with wine. 

These were on a large scale, and given in the temple. 

燕. The Banquet. 
差. The Luncheon of game. 
獻. The Refection, when the delicacies of the season were eaten.

These were on a smaller scale, and were given in the private apartments. 

10 Vide inf., par. 10. When a woman took part for the first time with her husbai.d in the sacrifices she was regarded as 成為婦, becoming a wife in the full sense of the word. 

11 祝. The liturgist was more of a prophet than a priest. As versed in the ceremonial of one of the dynasties, Hsia, Shang, or Chou, he presided over the approaches to the spirits of the ancestors, and expressed to these the wishes of the worshippers, with one exception (XXXVIII., note 8). 

12 This obeisance corresponded to the kowtow of a man. 

13 When the spirit was supposed to be engaged in tasting the essences of the offerings, or hovering over the body in the cofhn, its comfort was secured by shutting out the light from it. 

14 昏, which gave its name to the marriage, or " evening " ceremony. 


15 The [示爾]廟, in which rested the tablet of the bridegroom's grandfather. 

16 " Improper " is equivalent to insincere (L. IX., 3. 7). 

17 See introduction to Section I. 

18 For the arrangement of shrines in the ancestral temple, vide L. III., iii. 4, n. The lowest shrine was the nearest to the entrance on the west or 穆 side, which was the right-hand side of the 太祖. whose shrine never was eliminated. When at the time of the sacrifices of repose (XXX., 14) the tablet of the deceased was brought in and set in place, the others already there were moved up a step, and the shrine of the one displaced at the top was " eliminated " by having a new screen substituted for the old one, and the plastering altered. 

The girl referred to was a relation of the ruling Duke. 

19 The name given was accompanied by a character 伯仲 , or 叔季, to indicate her place in order of birth among her sisters. 

20 The meaning of this phrase is variously rendered. The explanation of 鄭康成 is the most likely ; that it denotes the son, father, and grandfather, and their collaterals. 

21 This is a polite way of asking him to name the day himself. 

22 The whole duty of the husband. The next paragraph indicates the whole duty of the wife. 

23 Vide P. I., ii. 4. 

24 Vide P. III., i. 6. 

25 In this case the father is already dead, or beyond the age of seventy, after which time he would take no part in the ceremony. In such a case the son deputed someone else to meet the bride. 


26 That is, after the wife has 成為婦. Vide note 10 sup. 

27 Vide note 4 sup. 

The present of an ordinary officer was a pheasant, of a great officer a goose, and of a minister a lamb. 



Chapter V 

1 腒, vide II., note 5. 

2 Only rulers did not return gifts. 

3 Its acceptance would entail a return visit. 

4 Vide L. IX., ii. i. i. S. XI., 10. para, i, gives a note on the breach of this regulation. Vide also C. X., 3 and 4. 

5 The commentary notes as an instance of these gifts S. XI., 8, note on para. 7, and on the strength of the " praise-and-blame " theory assumes that this is a departure from the earlier custom indicated here. But the Ch'ien-lung editors rightly remark that it is not so. It is but one of many similar statements of fact which are recorded, and left to the judgment of posterity. 

6 This reading omits a superfluous phrase, 言忠信. 

7 Vide L. I., ii. 3. 7. 

8 Vide I., note 6. 

9 L. XL, iii. 35 and 36. 

10 Vide note 4 sup. 

11 Vide M. V. &. 7. i. 



THE DISTRICT SYMPOSIUM Under the Chou dynasty the Imperial domain was divided into six 鄉, or districts, containing 12,500 families each. Over each of these divisions a great officer presided, and every third year invited the men of ability and character within his jurisdiction to a symposium. In this way he kept in touch with the leaders of the people, and by conversing with them on the affairs of the State promoted their loyalty and evoked their opinions. One advantage in this gathering was that it united for the time men of all ranks within the district. 

Chapter VI 

1 The guests were divided in order of merit into the 賓, the principal guest, the 介, the guest of the second order, and the 衆賓, the body of guests. The Master of Ceremonies took place between the principal and second guests. 

2 In preparing for offerings and feasts, they divided the animals according to their joints (體), each defined by the bone, which was for these purposes regarded as of more importance than the meat attached to it. In addition the heart, tongue, and lungs were dressed, and the flesh (膚) of the neck and breast served separately. In the case of the herbivorous animals the stomach and intestines were also used. The division of the joints was as follows : 

The 肱, or forequarter, was divided into the 肩, shoulder, 臂 (sometimes wrongly written 髀), upper foreleg, and 【月需】, lower foreleg. 272 

The 股, or hindquarter, furnished the 【月屯】膊, thigh,骼, lower hindleg, and 榖 , hoof or foot. 

The 脊, or spine, was divided into 正|, the cervical vertebrae (under the 【月豆】, or neck), 【月延】| lumbar vertebrae, and 橫 |, sacral vertebrae. 

The bones of the side, 脅, or 幹, were divided into 1^, the breast-bone, \^ ^, fixed ribs, 長 | or 正|, long ribs, and 短|, short ribs. 

Then came the 髀, or pelvis, with the 尻, through which passed the 竅, or vent. This set of bones was, on account of its position, regarded as being unfit for sacrificial uses. 

3 At the 獻 and the 酢 a cup 爵 was used to indicate respect, but at the 酬 pledging a 【角單】 goblet, as an incitement to drink. In the text the character 爵 is often used generally for " the cup " and equivalent to 【角單】. 

4 It is thus held up for the time being, until the other guests have been pledged. To drink it at this stage would have brought the ceremony to a close. 

5 Into all these must be read the directions in the previous paragraphs. 

6 By not leaving the mat he indicates his superiority to the assistant. 

7 Blind men were selected to be trained as musicians, as their hearing faculty was not distracted by the " lust of the eye" (精於聽). The school of music was called the " Hall of the Blind " (L. VI., i. 5). 

8 That is, two vocalists and two instrumentalists. 

9 From the Minor Odes of the Kingdom. Vide P. II., i. I. et seq. and notes. 

VOL. I. 273 T 

10 The so-called "Lost Odes" (P., pp. 267, 268). The evidence for their having been odes is not strong, and this reference indicates that they were tunes without words. 

11 Vide P. I., i., etc 

Chapter VI 

1 The pieces were taken from Kno-feng, Parts I. and II., the Chou-nan, and the Shaou-nan (P., p. i et seq.). 

2 The Nine Hsia were tunes reputed to have been composed for the use of Yü the Great, first monarch of the Hsia dynasty. They were named the 王, 肆,  昭, 納, 章, 齊, 族, 陔, and 驁 respectively. No words were set to them, for they were instrumental pieces performed on the bells and drums. The first tune was reserved for use at royal functions, and each of the others had its particular use. The 陔(Kai) piece was played when the guests at an entertainment had all well drunk (醉) and were about to leave (C. L., III., 31). 

3 The District Music consisted of the pieces from the Kuo-fêng (P. p. i et seq.). The Minor Odes were performed for a feudal lord, and the Major Odes for the Emperor. 



Of the six arts which covered the attainments expected of a gentleman in Old China, archery was the most important, although it did not hold the highest place (F., p. 322). To judge by what is 


recorded in the present work, writing (書) and arithmetic (數) were subordinate arts relegated along with reading to the 史, secretary or clerk, who was always to be found in a gentleman's household. 禮, the knowledge of ceremonial practices which guided a man in daily life, at his audiences with his ruler, and in his approaches to the ancestral spirit, came first among his accomplishments. 樂, the practice of music and the knowledge of the significance of tunes, comes next. After these follow in order 射 , Archery, and Charioteering, 御 (HI., 8.7). 

Archery seems to have been the supreme accomplishment in the earliest ages of settled government, as might be expected in a people who depended on the bow as a weapon of defence and the means for securing food. 

As civilization advanced, the cult of the bow entered a new phase when the weapon was made an instrument of moral discipline. 

At the archery meetings described in the present work this later development is apparent. The score obtained was a minor consideration; correctness of form and self-control were the results aimed at, and the possession of these was regarded as the principal qualification to be expected from those aspiring to office. 

The meeting described in this section was held in the spring and autumn, under the direction of the officer (長) in command of each Chou ( 州), of which there were five in each Hsiang. Marks were given on five points: (1) 和, self-command; (2) 容, general appearance ; (3)主皮, shooting hits ; (4) 和容, shoot- 


ing "form"; (5) 興舞, accord in shooting with the time set by the music. 

For the target itself, see Plan of Target, p. 129, and notes on Chapter XIII. 

Chapter VIII 

1 To show that the shooting has not yet begun. 

2 The range was fifty paces or bow-lengths long ; as a bow was 6 Chinese feet in length, the range would cover thirty chang. The screen ( 乏) was for the protection of the marker. No arrow which did not pass it was counted. 

3 He had now to assume control of the use of weapons, and so his designation was altered to the military one of 司馬 (C.L. IV., 2). 

4 An arrow was 3 feet long. 

5 For correcting his pupils (X., 9. 27). 

Chapter IX 

1 For details, vide XIV., i.f. 

2 The cry in use in the hunting-field to denote a successful shot. 

3 It was a test of " form " and not of skill. 

4 Chu Hsi question the genuineness of this sentence in view of what follows (vide d). 

5 Contrast with this the statement of Confucius (C. III., 16). 

6 This sentence is spurious. 

7 P. I., 2. 14. This does not agree with the C.L. IV., 18, which restricts the use of the tune to the ruler. The elaboration of uses among the tunes is certainly late. 


Chapter X 

1 The drinking had been suspended to allow of the archery. 旅酬 was a pledging in regular turn. Vide C.D.M., 19. 4. 

2 The order was— 

賓 1 4 大夫
長賓衆5 2主人
次賓3 6次大夫

3 It would entail further ceremonial if he consented to see them. 

4 I.e., with no apartments at the back. 

5 The markers being of very inferior rank. 

6 Vide H. II., iv. i. 6, and note. 

7 The text is obscure. 

8 Vide IX., note 5. 

9 The measurements here cannot be reconciled with those elsewhere. The text seems corrupt. The fantastic explanations of the commentators are not worthy of attention. 

10 This name is too much for the commentators. 

11 I. e., the 大射 in the 大學. 

12 Probably some kind of mountain goat. 



The idea underlying this entertainment was an expression of friendliness guarded from any presumption that might be engendered thereby. Such a banquet as that described here, with slight modifica- 277 

tions to suit different conditions, might be given on many occasions. A feudal Prince might give it to his ministers and officers when he was at leisure from the graver affairs of State (P. IV., ii. 2. 3). A minister or great officer might be thus recompensed for good service to the State. On their return from a mission the same grade of officers might be thus entertained (P. II., i. 2) ; or an envoy who came on a mission from another State (L. IX., i. 6 ; vide also XVII., I'i et seq.). The Emperor at times gave such an entertainment to the feudal lords (P. II., ii. 10), or to his various ministers (P. II., i. i), and a ruler entertained his relatives after the sacrifices in the ancestral temple. 

The vocabulary in this section shows considerable differences from that in the sections which precede it. 

Chapter XI 

1 For names of entertainments, see IV., note 9. 

2 公 the ruling Duke ; sometimes called 君. 

3 The 膳宰.

4, The 東【雨留】rain-gutter on the east side of the hall. 

5 From the time of Yü the Great. 

6 門右— that is, by the eastern side of the centre post (vide I., note 8). Visitors entered on that side if on private business, and by the left if the business were official (L. XL, iii. 25). 

7 His position shows that he is not the host, who would stand to the north of the jar. 

8 The wine not being his own. 

9 Preparatory to the general pledging. 


Chapter XII 

1 In theC.L. II., 28, the office of bandmaster (相工) was executed by the 【耳氏】瞭, He, however, was a court official, and so in entertainments other than court functions an inferior official was appointed to the office from among the presiding officer's retainers. 

2 This short sentence includes all the detail in XL, 13. 

3 For the music, vide sup., VIII., 12. 

4 It was not etiquette for them to remain up in the hall after their superiors had descended. 

5 庶子, C.L., IV., 23. Sons of the ministers, and great and ordinary officers. L. XLIV., i, in the original, and in Professor Legge's translation, makes 庶子官 the title of the official called in the C.L. IV., 25, 諸子. This seems a mistake, for 庶子官 is merely a title descriptive of his office. He was entrusted with the care of the cadets of the various great families about the court (vide Dan. i. 3, but without the implication). These were graded after the 士. 

6 Delegates from the various States. 

7 These forms have been imported from notes. The Style is not in keeping with the rest of the chapter. 

8 Whereupon they kowtow twice. 

9 The " Southern steps," " White blossoms," and «' The millet's in flower." 

10 勺, 長勺, was the name of a place where a famous battle was fought in the time of the Chou dynasty (S. III., 10. i). The dance, as the war- 


dances of the time, would consist of a pantomimic representation of the events of the battle. Vide description of such a dance in L. XVIII., iii. 17 et seq., and may well be regarded as the origin of the later drama. 



There were three kinds of archery meetings. The greatest was that held by the Emperor when about to sacrifice, in order to select from among the officials qualified those who should actually take part. This was the 大射, Great Shooting Match of the present section. Then there was the 賓射, or Guests' Shooting Match, with which the Emperor entertained the feudal lords when they came to court. The third was the fog 燕射, or Shooting Match at the banquet, in which the Emperor himself took part along with the feudal lords and the great officers of his court. The observances (儀) detailed in the section would apply to any of these. 

Chapter XIII 

1 All the distances were measured from the marks up in the hall. The " fox's stride " was a bow-length, six Chinese feet. 

2 That with the tiger or bear mask. 

3 Some explain this as a cat-skin centre with a deer-skin border. 

4 Vide ex. III., 65. 

5 Corresponding to our bull's-eye. 280 

6 Sixteen in each. 

7 This replied to the leading drum in the next paragraph. 

8 This gives the time for the music. 

9 Vide XlI, 15. 6, a. 

10 Vide XII., note 5. 

11 It had been playing the Sse-hsia (VII., note 2) since he entered. 

12 Vide sup., 10, b. 

13 Vide sup., 9, f. and XII., 15. 6, a. 

14 These were in the south-east and south-west corners respectively of the east and west side halls (vide Plan of House in Vol. II). 

15 On which the drinking-cup was placed. 

16 次, on the south-east side of the court. 

17 Rising to a door in the north wall of the east chamber (vide Plan of House in Vol. II). 

18 Because he is to shoot against the Ruler. 

Chapter XIV 

1 Kung and Shang are the first two notes of the Chinese musical scale. 

2 In this case the 服不氏, Fu-pu Shih, who, according to the C.L. III., 19, was keeper of the wild animals. It is probably a transliteration from some barbaric tongue (cf. L. I., ii. 3. 10, Pu-kuo, and III., iii. 14, Ti-tt). 

3 The Fu-pu, vide sup., note 2. 

4 The drinking of the Duke is not regarded as a forfeit as in the case of the other losers. 

5 The 狸, " Fox's head," was one of the 逸詩 , excluded by Confucius from the Canon of Poetry, because of his intention to include only pieces which 


conveyed "thought without depravity" (C. II., 2). Vide L. XVII., iii. 20, note, C.L. IV., 18. 

An ingenious suggestion mentioned by 劉敞 is that this ode is the "Magpie's nest" (P. I., ii. i). The reason he gives is the similarity of the characters in their older forms. This is not supported by the other commentators. For the tune, see also L. XLIII., 3, and note. 

6 Which would bring the ceremony to a close. 

7 The last of the nine Hsia pieces. Vide sup., VII., note 2. 


While the rulers of the various States were bound to present themselves at the regular times before the Emperor (朝), they were also expected to maintain friendly relations with one another and discuss matters of mutual interest by the exchange of missions. These were of three kinds. If no particular occasion called for any special embassy, a smaller mission ( 小聘) was sent, headed by a great officer. This took place once a year, and was called a 問, or visit of inquiry. 

Every third year a greater mission (大聘) was sent under charge of a minister. 

If, however, there were an occasion of state such as the accession of a new ruler, an embassy was in order, and was called a 朝. 

The present section discusses the ceremonial proper to a great mission. 


Chapter XV

1 These were taken from the royal storehouses, which were supplied by the 貢 tribute. 

2 管人 — i.e. the officials of the department (C.L., I., 31-33). 

3 And so in the hall of audience. 

4 The ruling Duke ; called also the 君. 

5 Vide L. v., i. 25, for the announcement made at the shrines when leaving the State. 

6 For the use of the spirit (vide III., note i). 

7 The commissioner when engaged in making the offering. 

8 行, the road-head immediately outside the great door, where a journey begins. This was one of the five places connected with the house at which sacrifice was offered, the others being the well (井), furnace (灶), door (門), and altar to the wandering spirits 厲 

9 賈人, the 賈師 of C.L. II., 32. 

10 圭 . There were four jewels entrusted to the mission : the 圭 , or principal symbol of office ; the chang (璋), or half-symbol; the pi (璧), or round symbol; and the ts'ung (琮), or star-shaped symbol. The uses of these are indicated in the section {vide also XVIII., 18). 

11 A man should not go back to his house after receiving a commission from his Prince (L. I., i. 2. 24, and 2 Sam. xi. 9). 

12 A great set of animals (太牢) consisted of an ox, a sheep, and a pig (XVII., 1.0) ; a small set (小牢) of a sheep and a pig ; while the elemental offering (大抵)  was a pig alone. 


13 As illustrating this procedure, see Section X., 6. 3, note. 

14 For use at private interviews and for presents to others than the Prince. 

15 郊勞. For a classical instance of this, see Section X., 2. 2, note. 

Chapter XVI 

1 Vide I., 5, d. 

2 Outside the door of the royal ancestral temple (para. 3). 

3 Here the 庫門.

4 Because he was on public business (Vide XI, note 6). 

5 The temple gate. 

6. 依. The refuge of the spirit, the place to which it can turn. This was set between the window and door of the room. 

7 Vide L. IV., 12. The Prince and the commissioner were bound in carrying the token to draw the outer coat together (襲衣), so that the splendour of the inner coat should not conflict with the beauty of the gem (L. XL, ii. 15; and C.D.M. XXXIIL, and note). But the chief of suite was not entitled to do so, as he was not supposed to deal with the symbol of rank as such, but only as an item in the apparatus of the mission. He therefore wrapped the cover over it, and when it was concealed, did not need to draw his coat together (vide XVIII., 6. 16). 

8 A mark of respect for the commissioner's token, but a lesser degree of honour than he would show with the ruler himself, whom the commissioner represents. 

9 A team of horses as a present to the commissioner. 

10 That is, receive the present. 284 

— Table of Consanguinity — 

FROM THE ''China Review'' VoL. II No.2. 

11 Being now on private business {cf. sup.^ note 4). 

12 There is no satisfactory explanation of the discrepancy between this and para. a. One can only assume an error in the text 左 for 右. 

13 This includes ministers 卿, who were appointed from the ranks of the great officers. 

14 That he may not have to return their visit. 

Chapter XVII 

1 The 爵弁 of I., 5, c. 

2 This stood on the central line of the court, and was used as a sundial. I can find no record of a gnomon upon it. The commentators say that the time of day was estimated by the position and length of the shadow. 

3 , 【酉去皿】 wet hash ; 醢, dry hash. 

4 On behalf of his Prince. 

5 There were **tips" in those days. 

6 Because acting for his ruler. 

7 As illness or mourning. 

8 The wines are ranged in order of excellence. 

9 For feasts, see IV., note 9. 

10 Vide XVI., note 7. 

11 碑內. 

12 Vide XVI., note 7. 

13 【示襄】. This was performed by the junior liturgist (vide C.L. III., 59), whose duty it was to deprecate all manner of infelicities. 

14 Naming the Duke to whom it was dedicated. 

15 Just outside it, as an offering to the guardian spirit of the road [cf. XV., 4,f). 

16 This to announce their return (cf. XV., 4, a). 


Chapter XVIII . 

1 That is, if the ruler of the State have died. 

2 Vide XV., 14. 

3 For 禮 read 醴 {vide XVI., 7). 

4 As in XVII., I and 2. 

5 Vide XVIL, 16 and 19. 

8 Having doffed his 斬衰, for the occasion, worn for a ruler ; or the 齊衰, worn for his wife or heir. The 練 cap goes with the long clothes. 

7 g, "Stamping." For this, see Section XII., passim. The feet were stamped on the ground in quick succession as a sign of grief. Among primitive peoples the practice of leaping at funerals still obtains. For this and other points in the funeral ceremonial, see parallels in the " Cambridge Anthropological Expedition to Torres Straits," vol. v., pp. 248-262, and vol. vi., pp. 126-162, 

8 Because of the death of one of his parents. 

9 賓 (Vide XXVIII., 8). 

10 That is, the coffining (vide note g). 

11 The 殓 (XXVII., 10). 

13 For a case in point, vide Section XII., 16, para. 2 to 6, first note. 

14 Not taking place according to rank. 

15 The 行 as in the case of a house (XV., note 8).

16 Cf. C. VI., 16. 

17 A goose for a great officer, or a pheasant for an ordinary officer (vide IV., 27). 

18 For the four kinds of jewels, see XV., note 10. The 圭 and 璋 were used at the 聘 and the 璧, and 琮 at the 享. This applied to the commissioners of dukes, marquises, and earls ; but the commissioners 


of viscounts and barons used 璧 and 琮 for the first, and the 琥 and 璜 for the second. See the warning of Mencius against attaching too much value to these, M. VII., ii. 28 (vide XV., 10). 

19 Vide ex. III., 2. 

20 Light is thrown on such passages by what is recorded of Confucius, C. X. and L. XL, iii. 26 et seq, 

21 This is another note on the same subject by a later hand. 

22 Ditto. 

23 Another possible translation is "of a loud pattern." 

24 Vide sup., XVI., note 7. 

25 Through sickness or other cause. 

26 That is, the 昭, or the 穆. vide C.D.M., XIV., 4 

27 C.L. IV.,55.

28 C.L. III, 65. 

29 Leaving the Prince to fix the day. 

30 After he has called on the great officers. 

31 Vide S. VI., xii., para. 6, and note. 

32 The text gives, as usual, " The altars of land and grain." 

33-That is, servants. 

34 Vide L. XLV., para. 7. 

35 To convey to him a reproach without blazoning his fault. 

36 For these quantities, see Measures. 



This entertainment (IV., note 9) was given by the ruler to the commissioner in a smaller mission (vide Introduction to Section VI 1 1.). 


Chapter XIX 

1 Called in the text throughout " the guest." 

2 Because the bow is for his Prince, and not for himself. 

3 Vide XVI., I, h. That is, the waiting-tent outside the door. 

4 Viz., to the south-east of the east steps. 

5 For the exclusive use of the Duke, who does not use the 洗. 

6 For the use of the guest, and so the body-rest is set to the left. In the case of a mat for the spirit the rest was placed to the right. 

7 As there is to be no pledging. 

8 Vide L. X., i. 22. 

9 The meat-stands and holders. 

10 This phrase not in the oldest copies.

11 The cooks (C.L. L, 8). The 旅人, or pantry-men, dealt with the cutting up of the meat. 

Chapter XX 

No chapter illustrates more fully than this the extraordinary elaboration of ceremonial detail. It leaves one wondering whether any period earlier than the hey-day of the Chou dynasty would have allowed of such meticulous regulation of its ceremonial. 

1 There were sixteen of these dishes in all. 

2 XIX., 3, h. 

3 Vide C.L. V., 59. 

4 Vide C.L III., II.

END OF VOL. III.,  11.