| XIII. Thirteenth year.|
1. In his thirteenth year, in spring, the duke arrived from Jin.
2. In summer, we took Shi.
3. In autumn, in the ninth month, on Gengchen, Shen, viscount of Chu, died.
4. In winter, we walled Fang.
| 傳十三年‧|| COMMENTARY|
| 春．公至自晉．孟獻子書勞于廟．禮也．|| 'When the duke arrived from Jin, Meng Xianzi caused a record of his successful services to be made in the ancestral temple;—which was according to rule.' |
| 夏．邿亂．分為三師救邿．遂取之．|| In summer, Shi was dismembered into three by disorders [which prevailed]. A force from Lu succoured Shi, and took the opportunity to take it.|
| 凡書取．言易也．用大師焉曰滅．弗地曰入．|| '"Taking (取)" is used, when the thing was done with ease; "extinguishing (滅)," when it required a large force; "entering (入)," when the territory was not retained.|
| 荀罃．士魴．卒．晉侯蒐于綿上以治兵．使士匄將中軍．辭曰．伯游長．昔臣習於知伯．是以佐之．非能賢也．請從伯游．荀偃將中軍．士匄佐之．使韓起將上軍．辭以趙武．又使欒黶．辭曰．臣不如韓起．韓起願上趙武．君其聽之．使趙武將上軍．韓起佐之．欒黶將下軍．魏絳佐之．新軍無帥．晉侯難其人．使其什吏．率其卒乘官屬．以從於下軍．禮也．晉國之民．是以大和．諸侯遂睦．|| Xun Ying and Shi Fang died, and the marquis of Jin assembled his troops in Mianshang that he might order and regulate them. He appointed Shi Gai to the command of the army of the centre, but Gai declined, saying, "Boyou (Xun Yan) is my senior. Formerly from my acquaintance with, and knowledge of, Zhi Bo, I was assistant-commander under him; but I cannot [be regarded as] superior [to Yan]. I beg you to follow [my advice, and appoint] Boyou." Xun Yan was then made commander of the army of the centre, and Shi Gai was assistant-commander under him. [The marquis] appointed Han Qi to the command of the 1st army; but he wished to decline in favour of Zhao Wu. The marquis, however, offered the command to Luan Yan, who also declined it, saying, "I am not equal to Han Qi, and as he wishes Zhao Wu to be above him, your lordship should hearken to him." Zhao Wu was then made commander of the 1st army, with Han Qi as assistant-commander. Luan Yan was continued as commander of the 3d army, and Wei Jiang was made assistant commander of it. Neither commander nor assistant-commander was appointed to the new army; but the marquis, finding it difficult to meet with proper men, ordered the officers of tens to lead their footmen and chariot-men, and all the other officers, to follow the 3d army;—which was right. On this, a great harmony prevailed among the people of Jin, and the States cultivated their friendly relations with it.|
| 君子曰．讓．禮之主也．范宣子讓．其下皆讓．欒黶為汰．弗敢違也．晉國以平．數世賴之．刑善也夫．一人刑善．百姓休和．可不務乎．書曰．一人有慶．兆民賴之．其寧惟永．其是之謂乎．周之興也．其詩曰．儀刑文王．萬邦作孚．言刑善也．及其衰也．其詩曰．大夫不均．我從事．獨賢．言不讓也．世之治也．君子尚能而讓其下．小人農力以事其上．是以上下有禮．而讒慝黜遠．由不爭也．謂之懿德．及其亂也．君子稱其功以加小人．小人伐其技以馮君子．是以上下無禮．亂虐並生．由爭善也．謂之昏德．國家之敝．恆必由之．||'The superior man will say, "Modesty is an essential point in the proprieties. Fan Xuanzi (Gai) having declined the command [offered to him], those below him did the same, and even Luan Yan, naturally forward, did not dare to act differently. The State of Jin was thus made tranquil, and the effect extended through several generations:—such was the force of a good example! Is not this a thing to be earnestly sought,—the good example of one man, securing the quiet and harmony of the people? The language of the Shu (V. xxvii. 13) is applicable to this;—'When the one man is good, all the people look to him as their dependence, and the repose of such a State will be perpetual.' Of the rise and prosperity of Zhou, the ode (Shi, III. i. ode I. 7) says:—|
'Take your pattern from king Wen, And the myriad regions will repose confidence in you;' showing a pattern of excellence. But in the decline of Zhou, the ode (Shi, II. vi. ode I. 2) says:—
'The great officers are unfair; I am made to serve; I alone am deemed worthy;' showing how [at that time] they would not yield to one another. In an age of good government, men in high stations prefer ability, and give place to those who are below them; and the lesser people labour vigorously at their husbandry to serve their superiors. In this way all the rules of propriety are observed both by high and low, and slanderers and evil men fall into disrepute and disappear. Such a state of things arises from their not quarrelling about superiority;—it is what we call a state of admirable virtue. But in an age of disorder, men in high stations proclaim their merit in order to impose their will on those who are below them, and the lesser people boast of their arts to encroach on their superiors. In this way the rules of propriety are observed by neither high nor low, and disorders and oppressions grow up together. Such a state of things arises from contentions about superiority; —it is what we call a state where virtue is all obscured. The ruin of a State is sure to result from it."'
| 楚子疾．告大夫曰．不穀不德．少主社稷．生十年而喪先君．未及習師保之教訓．而應受多福．是以不德．而亡師于鄢．以辱社稷．為大夫憂．其弘多矣．若以大夫之靈．獲保首領．以歿於地．唯是春秋窀穸之事．所以從先君於禰廟者．請為靈若厲．大夫擇焉．莫對．及五命．乃許．|| 'The viscount of Chu was ill, and addressed his great officers, saying, "I, the unworthy, was called when young to preside over the altars. At the age of ten, I lost my father, and the dignity of the State fell to my lot before I had been trained by the instructions of the tutor and guardian. Thus it was that I lost my army at Yan (see VIII. xvi. 6), to the very great disgrace of our altars, and the very great sorrow of you. If by your influence I am able to preserve my head, and die a natural death, for the business of sacrifice and interment, whereby I shall take the place after my predecessors in the temple proper to me, I beg you will call me by such an epithet as Ling (靈) or Li (厲), according as you shall choose." They gave him no reply, till he had charged them five times, when they consented.|
| 秋．楚共王卒．子囊謀諡．大夫曰．君有命矣．子囊曰．君命以共．若之何毀之．赫赫楚國．而君臨之．撫有蠻夷．奄征南海．以屬諸夏．而知其過．可不謂共乎．請謚之共．大夫從之．|| 'In the autumn, he—king Gong—died, and Zinang was consulting about the posthumous epithet for him, when the great officers said, "We have his own charge about it." Zinang said, "His charge was marked by humble reverence. Why should we use any other epithet but that which is expressive of that quality? He came to the charge of this glorious State of Chu; he tranquillized, and got the dominion of, the Man and the Yi; his expeditions went rapidly forth along the sea of the south; and he subjected the great States. And yet he knew his errors;—may he not be pronounced humbly reverent (共)? Let us call him by the epithet of Gong." The great officers agreed.'|
| 吳侵楚．養由基奔命．子庚以師繼之．養叔曰．吳乘我喪．謂我不能師也．必易我而不戒．子為三覆以待我．我請誘之．子庚從之．戰于康浦．大敗吳師．獲公子黨．君子以吳為不弔．詩曰．|| 'Wu made a raid upon Chu. Yang Youji hurried away with a charge [to resist the enemy], followed by Zigeng with a [larger] force. Yang Shu said, "Wu is taking advantage of the death of our king, thinking we shall not be able to take the field. They are sure to slight us, and not use proper caution. Do you place three ambushments, and wait for the result of my measures, giving me leave to decoy them." Zigeng having agreed to this, a battle was fought at Yongpu, when the troops of Wu received a great defeat, and the Gongzi Dang was taken. The superior man will say, "Wu was unpitying;—[as] the ode (Shi, II. iv. ode VII. 6) says,|
| 不弔昊天．亂靡有定．|| 'Great Heaven has no compassion, And there is no end to the disorders.'|
| 冬．城防．書事時也．於是將早城．臧武仲請俟畢農事．禮也．|| This text shows the seasonableness of the proceeding [from the state of other business]. They had wished to wall the city earlier, but Zang Wuzhong begged to wait till the labours of husbandry were finished;—which was right.'|
| 鄭良霄．大宰石蓖．猶在楚．石蓖言於子囊曰．先王卜征五年．而歲習其祥．祥習則行．不習則增．脩德而改卜．今楚實不競．行人何罪．止鄭一卿．以除其偪．使睦而疾楚．以固於晉焉．用之使歸．而廢其使．怨其君以疾其大夫．而相牽引也．不猶愈乎．楚人歸之．|| 'Liang Xiao of Zheng, and the grand-superintendent Shi Chuo, were still in Chu. Shi Chuo said to Zinang, "The ancient kings divined about their progresses for five years, year by year seeking for a favourable response. When they found that repeated so many times, then they set out. If such a response was not repeated, they cultivated their virtue with increased assiduity, and divined again. Now Chu cannot maintain its struggle with Jin; but what is the offence of [Zheng's] messenger? You here detain one of its high ministers, relieving its court of the pressure [of its ministers on one another], making the others more harmonious and adhere firmly to Jin, with a hatred of Chu;—what is the use of such a measure? If you send him back, and thus frustrate the object of his mission, he will resent the conduct of his ruler, and be at enmity with the great officers, so that they will begin to draw different ways;—would not this be a better course?" On this the people of Chu sent them both back].'|